Challenges Faced By Refugee Youth
INTRODUCTION
Once upon a time, refugees and immigrant youth were explicitly forced to assimilate to the American way of life, once they entered United States school systems. Foreigners were viewed as "threats to the cohesion of the nation and efforts were under way to ensure that education would lead to their espousing of dominant culture (Oikonomidoy, 2010)." Although remnants and subtle reminders of the past are left intact, there have been recent pushes for accommodation, an additive model of education whereby students are encouraged to share their culture in order to enrich the global experiences of their peers, while maintaining their own identity and self-esteem.
From 1975 to 2005, the United States has accepted over two million refugees, with approximately 70,000 arriving per year. Approximately half came to the country as children (University of California, Los Angeles, 2011). Additionally, Suarez-Orozco, Todorova, and Louie (2001) stated that over 130 million immigrants and refugees exist in the world, with one fifth of children in the United States growing up in these homes. In the aforementioned researchers' report concerning separations and reunifications, they identified the impact of extended periods of disconnection from nuclear family members. This study will be addressed in the following section.
For the purposes of this paper, challenges pertaining specifically to refugees will be addressed as such; challenges pertaining to refugees, asylum-seekers, and immigrants will be identified as newcomer challenges. According to the University of California, Los Angeles, refugees are "persons admitted to the U.S. based on a well-founded indication that they have cause to fear persecution in their home country (p. 3)." Ruiz, Kabler, and Sugarman (2011) align more closely with the United Nations definition, stating tat a refugee is a person "seeking protection on the grounds that they have a well-founded fear of persecution based on race, religion, membership in a social group, political opinion, or national origin (p. 23)." Different from an asylum-seeker, a refugee applies for legal status outside the United States, and, once accepted, enters the U.S. and receives support and assistance.
By some definitions, refugees fall under the larger category of immigrants; however, there are distinct differences. Strekalova and Hoot (2008) attributed the differences to motive (most immigrants leave to seek better opportunities in life), amount of time available for pre-planning (such as locating housing, securing jobs, and the like), and familiarity with the new language of the host country (presumably, immigrants generally have more familiarity, as they have had more time to prepare). However, refugees, by definition, flee oppression and persecution, with the goal of saving their lives. Often, they come to their host countries with only the clothes on their backs. As a result of these and other challenges, refugee youth generally attain lower levels of academic achievement, and are more likely to drop out of school.
Schools are the most prevalent institutions in the lives of children, regardless of legal status. However, many schools are ill equipped to address the needs of newcomer families. The University of California, Los Angeles identified many of the common concerns from schools across the country, including:
- Newcomer youth dropping out early to work to support their families.
- Many refugees have never been to school.
- Newcomer youth are stigmatized.
- Parents are unhappy about assimilationist teaching practices.
Adolescent newcomer youth are the fastest-growing segment of the secondary school population in the United States; however, researchers and educational institutions often overlook this group. These students are less likely to receive support for their second language acquisition, and often are unable to pass high stakes standardized tests (Paez, 2009).
Potocky researched how refugee children fared economically as adults, studying various refugee groups: Southeast Asians, who fled as a result of the Vietnam War in the mid-1970s; Soviets and East Europeans, who escaped political persecution beginning in the 1940s; Cubans, who sought to flee from Castro in the early 1960s; and Haitians who began coming to the United States in the 1960s, to escape the Duvalier regime. The Center for Health and Health Care in Schools (2010), reported that in 2003, the poverty rate for children in newcomer families was significantly higher than that of the native-born population. Furthermore, these families were less likely to carry health insurance, and therefore less likely to receive general and mental health services.
In this paper, current literature regarding newcomer and refugee youth will be examined. The next section deals with the identification of some challenges related to migration and family dynamics, then a discussion of acculturation and linguistic differences, followed by an examination of the special cases of refugees, and finally concluded with implications and solutions for all stakeholders involved.
MIGRATION AND FAMILY DYNAMICS
Separation issues. Most newcomers face the migration stress of leaving behind extended family members and friends, many of whom they have known for a lifetime. Even more pressing is the potential for separation from nuclear family members such as parents and siblings. Suarez-Orozco et al. described the phenomenon of stepwise migration, whereby family members leave their homelands individually, with hopes of reuniting in the host country. Children are often left with caretakers such as grandparents or aunts and uncles. Reunification often takes several years, sometimes lasting the entire childhood of the participants. Stepwise migration is often very difficult for children to handle, being first separated from their nuclear families, then from their caretakers. Trauma stemming from refugee cases makes separations even harder on individuals.
In the study, the overwhelming majority (85%) of youth in the sample had been separated from one or both parents during migration, with a great percentage having been disconnected from their fathers (79%). Twenty-eight percent of the children had been torn apart from their siblings during migrations. These familial separations often gave way to feelings of anxiety and depression, but were mitigated if the child was well prepared and understood the purpose of the rift. After the initial period of reunification, participants reported a greater sense of closeness with family members, because of the perceived need to make up for lost time. The researchers further suggested counseling for newcomers dealing with separation issues.
Dissonant acculturation. Several researchers (Kugler and Price (2009); Potocky; University of California, Los Angeles; Ruiz et al.) stated that, as a function of English instruction in schools, newcomer children generally learn English before their parents, leading them take on adult roles, such as being the interpreters and negotiators for their family's business. Ruiz et al. named this role-reversing phenomenon dissonant acculturation, which sometimes leads children to lose respect for their elders, causing a rift in familial relations. In addition, problems with discipline could surface, as some acceptable forms of discipline in one's homeland may be perceived as child abuse in the host country. Potocky warned that children might use this newfound knowledge to threaten parents and caretakers.
ACCULTURATION AND LINGUISTIC STRUGGLES
Schools. Schools are often the most powerful institutions in the lives of refugee children. However, cases of racism, discrimination, and violence can severely harm a student's self-esteem, motivation, and achievement. Many teachers are ill equipped to meet the needs of students, often lacking the training, technical support, and/or resources to address the needs of newcomer youth at one of the most vulnerable times of their lives (Roxas, 2010; Oikonomidoy; Strekalova &Hoot).
In even worse cases, educators themselves may be agents of stereotyping and prejudice towards their students, by holding negative expectancies, which create self-fulfilling prophecies. Kuyok (2010) and Roxas described the damage that low teacher expectations can cause on youth. "Cultural scripts about refugee students employed by teachers can be problematic if the scripts require refugees to ‘act out' pre-determined parts and plotlines of a cultural script that they are not prepared to take on (Roxas, p. 67)."
Identity. In the formative years, adolescents often struggle with developing their unique identities. This development may be even further complicated in the cases of newcomer youth, since "this process is interrupted by the experience of exile, immigration, and settlement (Howell, 2011, p. 49)." While in their homes, newcomer youth are expected to maintain the customs and cultures of their homelands, but in school they are persuaded to act "American." This can lead to internal conflict that often causes students to turn to criminal activity, such as refugee youth gangs and violent crime.
Strekalova and Hoot discussed how culture shock could add to this difficulty, stating that values (familial roles, cultural norms, etc.) may be strikingly different from one culture to another. In learning to navigate a new culture, newcomer youth are likely to commit faux pas, such as perceiving a democratic teaching style to mean that anything goes in a classroom, or "not participating" because they were taught to be quiet in school.
Language. Last but certainly not least, linguistic challenges are one of the biggest hurdles for newcomer youth to overcome, and have been cited as being the most important hindrance to a student's adaptation to a new environment (Ruiz et al.). Ruiz et al. shared the result of Cummins' 1984 research, identifying two forms of language proficiency, basic interpersonal communicative skills (BICS), and cognitive/academic language proficiencies (CALP). While BICS is conversational and can be mastered in two to three years, CALP is more technical and typically takes up to seven years to acquire, under optimal conditions. Depending on the age of a newcomer when they begin in American schools, they may never attain full CALP proficiency, which is crucial to the understanding of academic content and passing of high-stakes standardized assessments. Carhill et al. found no link between BICS and CALP mastery.
Several factors interplay in the mastery of CALP, such as the age of the learner, the amount of interaction with peers, and verbal ability in one's native language. Prior education also plays a role in the ease of English acquisition. While many immigrants have had the chance to prepare for their migration to the United States (i.e. practicing English, securing jobs and housing, etc.), refugee students often arrive without having had any formal schooling. In addition, refugees often suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder, as a result of the persecution experienced in their homelands. Ruiz et al. advocate early educational responses to help mitigate such trauma. This topic is further developed in the next section.
REFUGEE PLIGHT
Trauma. Although the previous sections were applicable to all newcomers, refugee cases pose unique challenges. Refugee youth differ in that they have been traumatized through abuse and persecution in their homelands (Roxas). According to Hope (2008), refugees have often left these homes at short notice, and often enter new countries feeling disoriented. The trauma of the loss of one's home and/or posessions, coupled with the stress of adjusting to life in a new land, can create a perfect storm of circumstances that prevent success in the absence of proper educational intervention (Strekalova & Hoot). Such cases are well documented, with researchers identifying symptoms akin to post-traumatic stress disorder. "A significant number of refugee children have witnessed death, torture, rape, or imprisonment of family members (Potocky, p. 365)," may have experienced disease and/or starvation, and have possibly spent time in refugee camps. Some refugee youth have lost their parents to illness or murder, and have to care for younger siblings. These factors can easily contribute to post-traumatic stress.
Cumming and Visser (2009) described feelings of isolation and trauma, which can hinder the ability of refugee children to achieve academically and cope with their experiences. These feelings may lead to behaviors such as explosive anger, problems with authority, inabilities to concentrate, rule testing, withdrawal, and lower academic achievement (Strekalova and Hoot). The University of California, Los Angeles describes refugee students as "among the most vulnerable for school failure and its consequences (p. 5)." However, Cumming and Visser successfully utilized art therapy as a research to help refugee children from Afghanistan and Kosovo adapt to life in England, examining features such as social interaction, smiling, talking, willingness to participate, and confidence, among others. This study is briefly mentioned again in the following section.
Education. In the classroom, educators may simply be unaware of a student's legal status as a refugee, because it is illegal to ask; therefore, unless a child or parent volunteers this information, teachers simply may not know. Since many refugees may have had limited access to schooling, they may feel as though they will never catch up. Furthermore, as discussed in the previous section, some teachers may hold negative expectancies of students, creating a Pygmalion effect. Kuyok warned that the label of "refugee" reinforces the negative stereotype of underperforming students, and implies homogeneity, which does not recognize the diversity among individuals and groups of students. They cited examples of refugee groups who were actually quite successful in school, such as the South Sudanese and Somali students in Britain. To help prevent cultural misunderstandings, Strekalova and Hoot recommend that teachers simply are observant and receptive to student needs, while having a diverse collection of literature available to reflect various backgrounds. Other solutions are addressed in the next section.
IMPLICATIONS AND SOLUTIONS
Policies. Many crucial rulings and policy decisions have centered on the implications of educating refugee youth. The Civil Rights Act of 1964, Title VI prohibited discrimination based on race, color, or national origin in programs that received federal funding. Ten years later, the Supreme Court case of Lau vs. Nichols established that a lack of support for newcomers violates the premise of an equal education for all students.
Congress passed both the Refugee Act and Refugee Education Assistance act in 1980. These decrees outlined processes for refugee assistance, such as cash, medical, and social service assistance, as well as English language training in order to increase economic self-sufficiency.
The Elementary and Secondary Education Act, Title III guaranteed English language acquisition and enhancement by improving language instruction programs. A subsection of that document, Subpart 3, Section 303, established grants for educational institutions that provided education to English Language Learners.
The Refugee Children School Impact Grant Program in the Office of Refugee Resettlement was also established to offset the costs of educating refugee children. However, this assistance was, and continues to be, short-lived. Potocky recommended that extended support be provided in order to promote long-term adaptation as opposed to short-term "crisis stabilization."
Implications for schools. To many researchers (Hope, Center for Health and Health Care in Schools, Roxas, Oikonomidoy), schools are the preliminary institution to help facilitate the transition of refugee and immigrant youth. However, Roxas warned of the "hidden and official" curricula, which are utilized to force students to assimilate into American life, devaluing the backgrounds of minority and immigrant youth. Such practices include:
socializing and sorting students into academic tracks, which serve to reinforce social inequality; valuing the knowledge, dispositions, and skills of the dominant group; and providing different types of access to education depending on the race and class of the student population (p. 66).
These, and other debilitating practices, must be stopped in order for "no child" to be truly "left behind." Implications and suggestions provided in the review of the literature are detailed below.
Hope advocated raising awareness of the refugee plight as the first step in better meeting the needs of refugee youth. One such way is through the use of multicultural literature, which can "offer insights into our own and others' lives (p. 298)," and can serve to engage students. Such texts can address feelings and fears of young refugees, as well as exposing stereotypes and media myths. However, Hope reports that these books are generally not yet popular in mainstream literature.
The Center for Health and Health Care in Schools similarly suggested that outreach materials are translated into the target languages used in communities. Newcomer youth could also teach their native languages to others, in order to boost their self-esteem and perceived status in the community.
Along a similar vein, the Center advocated the support of families through programs, materials, and personal communication. Parental education in the English language would help to increase career prospects and enhance the ability to facilitate the transition of their children.
The Center also recommended that educators keep an open mind in their teaching methods, echoing the sentiment of Strekalova and Hoot to make lessons very captivating for refugee youth. Teachers can use consistent discipline to circumvent issues of "acting out," and assure that all students are included in classroom discussions. In order to further assist these students, Pinson and Arnot (2010) described a "child-centered holistic approach [which] addresses issues such as human rights through what [they] choose to call a politics of compassion (p. 262)," with schools maintaining a welcoming, secure, and caring atmosphere for refugee students and parents.
In order to meet the needs of refugee youth, parents, children, and educators must working towards the same accord. The voices of refugee students themselves, as well as those of their families, must be heard in order for all stakeholders to decide what is best (Roxas, Oikonomidoy). Roxas suggested occasional family visits and consultation with refugee community leaders in order to assess such educational needs and challenges. One such support program is that of newcomer programs, which the University of California, Los Angeles described as ranging from six to 18 months, for recent newcomer students to facilitate the transition to American Schools. The Cultural Orientation Resource Center in California seeks to prepares refugees for what they are likely to encounter in the United States.
Similarly, Strekalova and Hoot discussed the availability of language translation assistance through collaboration with local organizations. In addition, they urged schools to ascertain that refugee families take full advantage of community and educational resources available, such as the Caring Across Communities Initiative, launched in 2007 by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. This grant supports 15 projects geared towards emotional health support for refugee and low-income children. The program places a strong emphasis on family involvement, dispelling the common immigrant and refugee parent myth that it is not their place to interfere with their child's education. Schools must seek to create welcoming environments for parents and students alike, since they often bring a wealth of experience and knowledge to the table. In addition, the fund allows or the professional development of teachers and administrators on the topic of empowering parents (Kugler and Price).
Healing. Kugler and Price identified a stigma held by many refugee and immigrant families regarding mental and emotional health services, whereby students who could really use counseling and other therapies are not receiving them. The researchers told of a Somali liaison who educates parents on these services without using the taboo words ("mental health"). This opens the door for the healing process.
Researchers such as Cumming and Hower have successfully implemented visual and performing art therapies to help facilitate the transition of immigrant youth to life in their new country. According to Hower, "music, along with other forms of creative and artistic expression, has a tremendous capacity to offer meaning, solace and pleasure to young people undergoing the stress of cultural transition (p. 48)." Notably, artistic skills such as these do not heavily rely on the use of language; thus they may serve particularly helpful in the case of newer refugees. Similarly, Strekalova and Hoot recommended the use of drama to approach issues of refugee children, facilitating cultural understanding among peers.
"As a result of growing human mobility and global migration, schools are faced today with the challenge of educating a diverse population not only in respect to their ethnic origin but also in terms of their immigration status (Pinson & Arnor, p. 251)." The role of educators in the transition of refugee youth is vital, given the large quantities of time they spend with these students. They must seek to maintain positive exchanges with students, respecting identities at all times. These practices include being responsive to student needs, in order to create a sense of community. To paraphrase Strekalova and Hoot, a touch of cultural understanding can go a long way (p. 21).
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