Final Publishable Paper
Abstract
Haiti occupies the western part of the island originally named Hispaniola by Spanish colonists. Historically, Haiti and the United States have a relationship dating back to the 18th Century. Mass migration to the United States began in Haiti after 1956, with the election of president Francois Duvalier.
Four distinct waves of Haitian migration to the United States were identified. In each wave, the immigrants had to overcome many hurdles. This review of literature, concerning educational difficulties faced by Haitian immigrant youths, will examine several challenges, linked to the immigration process, language acquisition, and educational norms. Finally, potential solutions will be identified, to offer ideas for future exploration.
Introduction
"American schools are failing because they cannot meet the complex need of today's students (Bronstein, 1998)."
Haiti occupies the western part of the island originally named Hispaniola by Spanish colonists. The nation, located in the Caribbean Sea, has an area of 10,714 square miles, and is slightly larger than the state of Maryland. The name "Haiti" comes from the indigenous Arawak Indian language word for "mountainous land." It was the first free black republic in the Western Hemisphere, gaining its independence from France in 1804 (Sadler et al., 1999). Currently, the nation is the poorest in the Western Hemisphere, with the majority of the population living on less than the equivalent of one American dollar per day (Anderson, 2007).
Historically, Haiti and the United States have a relationship dating back to the 18th Century. It is documented that some soldiers of Haitian origin fought alongside the United States in the Revolutionary War in the 1770s (Civan, 1994). After the country's independence, enslaved Africans from the U.S. fled to the island nation, where they were declared free by the government. Incidentally, the Haitian Revolution also inspired several black slave revolts in the United States, including those led by Nat Turner and Denmark Vesey (Winch, 1989). In addition, several Haitians have made valuable contributions in United States history, such as Jean Baptiste Point du Sable, who founded the city of Chicago, Illinois, and John James Audubon, a Haitian naturalist (Civan, 1994).
Prior to the Haitian Revolution, a class system had been imposed by French colonizers. At the top of the class system were the grand blancs, whites who owned land on the island, and petit blancs, whites who were merchants and artisans. Next were the gens de couleur, the mulattoes and affranchis (free blacks), who bought their freedom from slave holders, and were able to accumulate some wealth. Enslaved Africans were not considered under the class system (Hallman, 1982). Ramifications of this phenomenon are still felt today, within the context of the present-day Haitian class system.
The only successful slave revolt in known history, the Haitian Revolution took place between 1791 until 1804. Led by the Haitian commanders Toussaint L'Ouverture and Jean-Jacque Dessalines, the Haitian people overthrew their French colonizers. Dessalines, the first Haitian head of state, declared Haiti a free republic on January 1, 1804. However, the United States did not officially recognize Haiti as a country until 1862.
Mass migration to the United States began in Haiti after 1956, with the election of president Francois Duvalier. During his rule of dictatorship and terror, several thousands of Haitians left the country, hoping to return when Duvalier's term as president expired. However, through a corrupt referendum, Duvalier declared himself president for life in 1964. Matters continued to get worse through his death in 1971, when he appointed as his successor his 19-year-old son, Jean-Claude, who ruled Haiti until his overthrow in 1986.
Four distinct waves of Haitian migration occurred in the United States. The first began immediately following Francois Duvalier's rise to power. This wave included members of the elite Haitian upper-class, who were perceived a direct threat to Duvalier's regime (Stepick, 1984). The second wave took place during the beginning of Jean-Claude's reign, and included members of the middle, and lower-middle classes. The third wave ensued through the end of the era of Jean-Claude, and attracted media attention. Those who immigrated during this wave were mostly illiterate and of lower socio-economic status; the media labeled them the "Haitian boat people."
In 1981, the United States Congress, under president Ronald Reagan, enacted a law, which stated that Haitians who had arrived in the United States without proper documentation would be incarcerated and returned to Haiti, with the rationale being that Haitians were economic refugees. However, under the same law, Cuban refugees were automatically accepted as political refugees, and awarded residency and protection in the United States. This discriminatory law was potentially fatal to many Haitian refugees, who, upon deportation from the United States, would often be subject to government persecution upon re-entering their native country.
Racism and prejudice, including negative stereotypes and cultural misunderstandings, continue to persist. Regardless of class and socio-economic status, most Haitians face discrimination at some point. As Hallman (1982) states, "if [immigrants] are poor and weak, they are considered a burden; and if they are wealthy and strong they are viewed as a threat."
As a result of unfair treatment and stigma, many young Haitians are ashamed of their identity, and instead, present themselves as members of other ethnic groups. A large number of recent arrivals face sub-par living conditions "at a level below that most Americans would consider acceptable (Stepick, 1984)". López (2002) found that many immigrant apartments in New York City "suffered from rat infestation, lack of water or heat, and no kitchen or bathroom." However, Civan (1994) expressed the hope that these obstacles would be overcome in time, "just as other immigrant groups have overcome their difficulties in this country."
The purpose of this review of literature, concerning educational difficulties faced by Haitian immigrant youths, is to examine several challenges linked to the immigration process, language acquisition, and educational norms. Finally, potential solutions will be identified, in order to offer ideas for future exploration.
Challenges Pertaining to the Immigration Process
Most Haitian immigrants have settled in New York City and Miami, Florida (Stepick, 1982). Suarez-Orozco (2001) found that immigrants to the United States historically enter the country in a step-wise fashion, with Haitians being no exception. Typically, in such scenarios, fathers, or other male family members, leave the country of origin, in order to attempt to secure employment, and send money overseas to their families. In theory, once they settle, other family members can come to join them. However, this is not always the case.
Often, families are separated for longer than originally expected. This can be due to a variety of factors including "financial obstacles, difficulties with legalizing immigration status... [and] personal reasons, such as divorce and separation of parents, propelled by the tensions of the migration process (Suarez-Orozco, 2001)." Children may also be separated from their mothers and siblings during the immigration process. A reunification of a family can often take five years or more to occur.
When families are separated in such a way, children are subject to great stress, and often exhibit signs of depression. Familial separation, which sometimes forces children into the hands of caretakers, may cause anxiety for the children. Occasionally, even greater trauma must be overcome, in the cases of family tragedies during the course of immigration. A death of a parent or sibling may occur from a variety of reasons, including "political, ethnic, religion prosecution, or warfare (Suarez-Oroco, 2001). Such occurrences may psychologically scar children, and the ramifications may appear in their behaviors and academic performance.
In cases where reunification does occur, Gaytan et al. (2007) state that "family relationships need to be renegotiated." Once a family is reunited, often children are ambivalent about their feelings. On the one hand, they may feel great joy to see their estranged family members. On the other hand, they may feel as though they are reunited with a stranger, having lived apart from the family member for many years.
Another difficulty that Haitians face upon entering the United States is racial discrimination, which Seaton (2008) describes as "dominant group members' actions, which are systematic and result in differential and negative effects on subordinate racial/ethnic groups." The author states that 66% of Haitian-American youth perceived that they had had suffered from discrimination in the past.
Furthermore, López (2002) found that, in students of Caribbean origin in the United States, incidents of discrimination are reported more by males than females. Whereas females reported stigma concerning their presumed sexual availability, "men narrated instances in which they were racially stigmatized as hoodlums, were assumed to be problem students in school, had a hard time finding entry-level employment, and experienced a crisis in their gender identity in the context of family life." As a possible corollary, women from all ethnic and racial groups were reaching higher levels of education than their male counterparts.
Discrimination occurs in a variety of settings, including schools. According to Stepick (1984), some Americans tend to erect barriers between themselves and immigrant groups, which hinders their empathy to the plight of newcomers. For the past hundred years, some Americans have expressed fears that immigrants would steal their jobs, engage in criminal activity, and overcrowd schools. Another widespread myth, which permeated American culture, was that Haitian immigrants spread AIDS in the United States. However, this damaging and hurtful stereotype, perpetuated by the media, has been found to be an untruth (Stepick, 1984).
Racism and discrimination can be very damaging to adolescents. As Seaton (2008) states, incidents of racial discrimination can lead to depression and high psychological stress. This stress may negatively impact the achievement motivation, grade point average, and self-esteem of adolescents.
Youths who constantly encounter such prejudice are more susceptible to high-risk behaviors, such as substance abuse and the practice of unprotected sex, actions that severely limit their potential. As a result, a vicious cycle occurs, as the preconceived notions held by others turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy, which, in turn, opens the door to more prejudice.
In addition to stress originating from adaptation to a new way of life, Haitian immigrant youth must also overcome barriers in learning a new language.
Challenges Pertaining to Language Acquisition
According to Pàez (2008), approximately twenty percent of children in the United States are first- or second-generation Americans. The number of immigrant children has increased since the passage of the Immigration Act of 1965, and this poses a challenge to educators in how to approach instruction from a linguistic perspective (Portes, 1996). Pàez states that resources are limited, and students are not receiving enough support for their language and literacy needs. Educators must work to learn about the backgrounds of their students, in order to serve their academic needs effectively.
Pursuant to the constitution of 1987, Haiti's official languages are French and Haitian Creole (Kreyol). All Haitians speak Kreyol, as it is the national language of the people. However, not all Haitians speak French. Katz (2004) describes Haiti as a type of francophone country in which "French is considered a language ‘of privilege', spoken only by the educated and upper classes." The term, "francophone" is a bit ambiguous with this country, since the large majority of Haitians do not fluently speak French. Youssef (2002) estimates that between 85% and 95% of the population is monolingual in Kreyol alone, stating that "monolingualism in the Creole is normative for a population with little prospect of socioeconomic advancement."
Most documents in the country have been written in French, as there has been little interest in writing in Kreyol until recently. This a major factor in the country's literacy rate of 52.9% (CIA, 2009). However, a law was enacted in 1979 that allowed Kreyol to become a medium of instruction in the classroom, and established a nationwide spelling system for the language (Youssef, 2002). A law still facing great resistance from members of all socioeconomic classes, Kreyol is now the medium for instruction in many Haitian elementary schools.
Learning English, Haitian children may find several similarities and differences between the two languages. Similarities include word order, which like English, follows the Subject-Verb-Object rule, and the use of articles, which can be either definite or indefinite, as in the English language. However, difficulties include the system of pronoun use, (where, in Kreyol, there is only a single form of the pronoun used for subject, object, and possessive, where in English, there are multiple), and verb usage, where in Kreyol there is no subject-verb agreement (Civan, 1994).
Many Haitian students find themselves in an awkward position upon entering United States schools. In foreign language and ESL classes, some educators have the mistaken perception that all Haitians speak French, that all Haitian students studied French in school, or that French and Kreyol are "two varieties of the same language" (Katz, 2003). As stated before, French is a high-prestige language in Haiti, and it is assumed by Haitians that one must come from a particular socioeconomic background if they are fluent in the language. Thus, Haitians who do not speak French may not address misconceptions in this regard, as an attempt to save face, especially in front of other Haitian students.
It is highly important for American educators to learn that Kreyol is not a bastardized version of French. Ignorance in this domain can lead to the misclassification of children into erroneously perceived levels of academic achievement.
According to Stepick (1982), "the best predictor of English proficiency was simply the years of schooling the students had received in Haiti." Pàez (2008) supports this theory, stating that "research has shown that bilingual students' verbal academic ability in their native language can be a significant predictor of the eventual level of verbal academic proficiency that they will attain in their second language.
Proficiency in English is often seen as a measure of acculturation, with children generally attaining fluency at a rate faster than their parents. Oftentimes, as a result, parents are not able to provide the academic support that they may have previously given their children, and immigrant youth may struggle with schoolwork (Gaytan et al., 2007).
Challenges Pertaining to Educational Norms
The Haitian education system emerged immediately following the Constitution of 1805, which required the availability of free public education for all (Civan, 1994). Schools were based on the French model of education, headed by European priests and nuns, and encouraged mastery of the humanities and science. Most of these schools were built in the major cities and catered mostly to educating the children of the elite, leaving many poor children uneducated and illiterate (Hallman, 1982). The ramifications of these practices continue to be felt to the present-day.
Education in Haiti is important to families, as many parents see it as a vehicle for the social mobility of their children. However, there has always been a shortage in the number of public schools, currently comprising only 10% of all schools in the country (CIA, 2009). Thus, many students are forced to attend private schools, which are not free.
According to Anderson (2007), "More than half of Haiti's non-public schools are run by nongovernmental associations such as religious associations, independent operators, and communities." These private schools largely vary in the quality of instruction and are unaffordable to many families in the lower class. Approximately 50% of school-aged children do not attend school.
There are substantial differences in the classroom climates between Haiti and the United States. Students in Haiti generally learn by rote, and do a great deal of memorizing. This system is highly rooted in the oral tradition of the history of the country, and its influence drawn from West African conventions (Hallman, 1982). Thus, when immigrating to the United States, Haitian students generally are not skilled in synthesis and analysis, aptitudes generally considered higher-order thinking skills in America (Sadler et al., 1999).
Haitian students are taught to treat their instructors with respect, and are driven by achievement. Many Haitian students instinctively look down when speaking with their teachers, as a sign of respect; however, American culture puts high emphasis on eye contact during interpersonal interactions.
While students in the United States are encouraged to collaborate with others and ask questions during class time, Haitian students are taught to sit quietly, and only to socialize outside of class. However, as in the United States, students often create after-school study groups of various academic levels, where they review material learned in school.
Racine (1981) lists expectations for teachers, students, and parents in Haitian schools.
The teacher is expected to:
give orders and instructions which the students have to accept,
set goals for the students,
act as the sole manager of the classroom,
provide information, facts to be learned,
evaluate students' behavior and progress,
require, impose, and enforce discipline,
give and expect demanding work from students.
Children are taught to:
show respect for authority in general,
show respect for teacher and other adults,
show and understanding of the formality of school,
dress formally in school,
be well-disciplined and behave properly,
care for school materials and property,
attend school regularly,
accept the instructional modes imposed by the teacher,
be docile and attentive,
learn their lessons,
accept conditions of learning environment,
expect long and hard assignments,
accept their peers.
Parents are expected to:
be responsive to school requests,
provide supplies and materials when they can afford them,
follow-up discipline problems outside of school,
cooperate with school in enforcement of regulations,
provide moral support to child,
provide academic support whenever possible.
These expectations are very different than those of American public schools. Beginning school in the United States, Haitian students are usually very surprised to find a relaxed classroom environment, and many mistakenly believe that any behavior is acceptable, rationalizing that no one is in control of the classroom (Katz, 2003). In addition, students may remark that homework is easier and less frequently given than in Haiti. Having developed auditory learning capacities, some students are highly confused when teachers use other methods, such as visual technology. In addition, the relaxed dress code at many schools can lead Haitian students to lose respect for their teachers (Racine, 1981).
Katz (2003) studied Haitian students in a New Jersey university French course, and found social challenges that also affected the Haitian immigrants. American students felt that the Haitian students tended to stick together, were not very approachable, and tended to speak rapidly in quiet voices. However, they also remarked that the immigrant students were helpful, had a better mastery of the French language, and were very cooperative in group work situations.
The Haitian students felt intimidated and anxious, and had a hard time adjusting at the beginning. Many normal behaviors were misunderstood in the United States classroom. However, throughout the course of the class, the students felt welcome. They had pride in others' having high expectations for them, found French relatively easy to learn, and worked well with their classmates over the course of time.
Ways to Address These Challenges
It has been said that Haitians are a very proud and hard-working people, who put high value on education. According to Civan (1994):
Haitians value both their family reputation and their children, and take pains to ensure that all children receive equal inheritances. Children are considered a gift from God, and are treated accordingly. Children also provide security in old age.
Most Haitians try to provide their families with the best possible quality of life. Although immigration often forces families into rough economic situations, research shows that Haitians will still try to provide their children with quality education, by working hard to move to the suburbs, or by sending children to Catholic and magnet schools (Portes, 1996).
In the cases of familial separation as a result of immigration, children may be undergoing feelings of extreme depression. Caretakers must learn to become aware of this stress, and work to accommodate the feelings of the child. Children may benefit from speaking to a counselor of some sort. If the needs of the child are fully addressed, psychological scarring may not occur.
Hallman (1982) states:
Learning ability and school experience are only some of the factors among many that should be integrated into the process of adaptation. Moreover, teachers, as important agents of adaptation, should attempt to go beyond the classroom experience in seeking explanations and solutions for students' academic behavior and performance.
Educators need to realize that adaptation to a particular sociocultural system does not entail the rejection of one system for another. Adaptation should be viewed as the co-existence of two cultures functioning side by side, with each one giving the individual the freedom and the incentives for self-realization.
Youssef (2002) and Pàez (2008) suggest that mother tongue instruction, when possible, is a valuable practice for educators. Bilingual education such as this would allow Haitian students to learn simultaneously in Kreyol and in English. Youssef found that mother tongue education facilitates the rapid learning of a second language, and that literacy skills learned in a child's native language transfer over to a second language.
While some Haitian students may pretend to speak fluent French in order to save face, Katz (2003) recommends a simple test to measure fluency. "A good test to determine whether an individual is truly a native speaker of a language is to ask bona fide native speakers whether they regard them as such." Doing so will help foreign-language and ESL teachers to place students at their correct levels.
In addition, Katz speaks of the phenomenon of linguistic awareness, a valuable type of international mindedness that addresses "linguistic variation, attitudes towards stigmatized languages, and the linguistic identities of various groups...This type of information should be included in textbooks, beginning at the elementary level."
Joshi et al. (2005) recommend that parents and schools "work together to build common expectations and to support student learning," by incorporating such strategies as written communication, with which the parents may already be habituated. Teachers must work to develop a good rapport and open the lines of communications with parents, regardless of differences in background, in order to facilitate student success. It is important to keep in mind, as a frame of reference, the culture from which the family originates, since parents' attitudes about their roles in education are linked directly to cultural factors.
When dealing with cultural norms in education, American teachers can maximize the potential of their students in many ways, by being culturally sensitive and open-minded (Sadler et al., 1999). One strategy that has been proven helpful is to use cooperative learning in classroom settings, which speaks to the practice of study groups, utilized by students in Haiti. In addition, teachers can implement read-alouds, which will deal with potential problems in reading English, as well as address the oral tradition to which Haitian immigrant students are habituated.
Sadler urges teachers to "supplement oral directions with gestures and demonstrations" in doing so. Another strategy to help facilitate student achievement is to model the writing process for students, which will provide them with guidelines and examples that can better focus their writing.
Newcomer youth may also benefit from community outreach programs and mentorship (Gaytan et al., 1999). Project Avanse was an undertaking implemented in New York City, where Haitian immigrant youth received community-based tutoring and training in the content areas of science, mathematics, social studies, and literacy. The project also provided grants to teachers for professional development in the fields of multicultural education and computer literacy. That program was able to meet its major goals, and provided the youth with invaluable support and experience, which facilitated their adaptation to the public school system in the city (Greene, 1995).
As evidenced in Project Avanse, it is important for educators to keep an open mind about all students, with special attention paid to the needs of immigrant youth. These children may face special kinds of stress, because of their migration and adaptation to a new culture. It is in the best interest of parents, students, and educators to work together to attenuate some of this anxiety, in order to help children to reach their maximum academic and societal potential.
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